Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine

  • Chaque année l'Institut de recherche sur l'Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine (Irasec), basé à Bangkok, mobilise une vingtaine de chercheurs et d'experts pour décrypter l'actualité régionale. L'Asie du Sud-Est - véritable carrefour économique, culturel et religieux - constitue un espace unique d'articulation des diversités sur la longue durée et le demeure plus que jamais aujourd'hui. Cette collection permet de suivre au fil des ans l'évolution des grands enjeux contemporains de cette région continentale et insulaire de plus de 620 millions et d'en comprendre les dynamiques d'intégration régionale et de connectivités avec le reste du monde. L'Asie du Sud-Est 2017 propose une analyse synthétique et détaillée des principaux événements politiques, économiques et sociaux survenus en 2016 dans chacun des onze pays de la région, complétée par des focus sur des personnalités et une actualité marquantes. L'ouvrage présente également quatre dossiers sur des thématiques régionales portant cette année sur le spectre de Daech, la cybersécurité, l'accord commercial de libre échange transpacifique (TPP) et la question du changement climatique à travers l'impact de la COP 21. Des outils pratiques sont également disponibles, dont une chronologie et une fiche de données socioéconomiques par pays et un inventaire régional des mouvements et politiques altermondialistes.

  • Chaque année l'Institut de recherche sur l'Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine (Irasec), basé à Bangkok, analyse les principaux événements politiques, économiques, sociaux, environnementaux ou religieux survenus dans l'ensemble du sous-continent asiatique. L'Asie du Sud-Est en 2009 n'aura pas été épargnée par la crise économique et financière qui, partie des États-Unis, a fini par toucher l'ensemble de la planète et dont les effets se font encore sentir aujourd'hui. Si toutes les économies de la région ont ressenti l'onde de choc, certaines ont mieux résisté que d'autres et des signes de reprises sont apparus dès le dernier trimestre de l'année dernière. Si l'économie semble repartir cahin-caha, il n'en va pas de même de l'intégration politique. Les tensions qui sont remontées à la surface au cours de ces derniers mois et les soubresauts politiques qu'ont connus la plupart des pays de la zone ont bien souvent des racines plus profondes que ne laisse supposer une lecture rapide de l'actualité. Établissant une rétrospective des principaux événements de l'année 2009, ce livre aide à mieux comprendre les grands enjeux de l'année 2010 dans une région de près de 600 millions d'habitants coincés entre la Chine et l'Inde. Grâce au travail de terrain tout au long de l'année d'une quinzaine de chercheurs et d'experts européens et asiatiques, Asie du Sud-Est 2010 offre un décryptage pertinent et contemporain d'une actualité asiatique complexe, dense et dynamique. Outre une analyse passionnante, cet ouvrage coordonné propose de nombreux outils pratiques tels qu'une chronologie détaillée de l'année, les adresses des différents centres de recherche francophones et européens travaillant sur l'Asie du Sud-Est, une bibliographie rassemblant les ouvrages publiés l'année dernière, une liste des centres de documentation et des formations relatives à l'Asie du Sud-Est, les adresses de librairies spécialisées ainsi qu'un référencement des meilleurs sites internet communautaires et institutionnels.

  • À quoi doit servir l'armée dans les grands pays d'Asie du Sud-Est ? Pendant de longues années, la réponse donnée par l'Indonésie comme par la Thaïlande a été claire. Les militaires contrôlaient la vie politique, l'activité économique, et s'efforçaient d'assurer leur emprise à tous les niveaux de la société. Depuis 1992 à Bangkok et 1998 à Jakarta, les uniformes semblent de nouveau cantonnés à leur tâche traditionnelle de défense nationale. Mais ce mouvement est-il définitif et est-il même "naturel" dans des sociétés en pleine mutation ? Ce livre, qui ouvre la collection analyses en regard s'efforce d'apporter des réponses à ces questions, dessinant ainsi ce que pourrait être l'avenir des relations entre civils et militaires dans la région.

  • Anachronisme ou résurgence d'une pratique que l'on croyait oubliée ? En Asie du Sud-Est, la piraterie maritime est en tout cas qualifiée de « nouvelle menace ». Mais d'où viennent ces hommes qui font trembler les marins des détroits par lesquels circule l'essentiel du commerce maritime mondial ? Et comment l'Indonésie, la Malaysia, Singapour, la Thaïlande, les Philippines ou le Vietnam s'emploient-ils à lutter contre ces avatars contemporains des pavillons noirs de jadis ? Les États sont-ils prêts à renoncer pour partie à leur souveraineté afin de s'ouvrir à des solutions collectives pour assurer la sécurité de leurs eaux ? Quel rôle jouent les grandes puissances comme le Japon, la Chine, l'Inde ou encore les États-Unis et la France qui, à plus d'un titre, sont concernées par le problème ? Ce livre s'efforce de répondre à toutes ces questions en s'interrogeant sur les limites de l'ordre juridique international.

  • Comment peut-on être vietnamien sans être vit ; être cambodgien sans être khmer ? C'est la question qui se pose aux Jaraï, Brou, Mnong et autres Stieng, populations autochtones des hauts plateaux, à la frontière entre les deux pays. Ces peuples, longtemps indépendants sur les hautes terres de la chaîne Anamitique, doivent aujourd'hui faire face à des mouvements migratoires sans précédent. Les nouveaux venus, colons des plaines, fonctionnaires, forestiers, commerçants, planteurs de café, gagnent peu à peu sur leurs terres, bouleversant fondamentalement leur mode de vie. Contraints à l'intégration, les habitants des hauts plateaux se battent pour éviter une assimilation pure et simple ; pour que leurs cultures ne soient pas sacrifiées sur l'autel du développement national. Ce livre fait émerger les enjeux de leurs revendications et des réponses qui leur sont apportées par les gouvernements du Cambodge et du Viêt Nam.

  • Fighting in Kachin state flared back up just months after President Thien Sein came to power in March 2011. The new government almost immediately began negotiating a series of peace agreements with ethnic armed groups declaring that the signature of a nationwide ceasefire with all ethnic armed groups would be a priority for this first civilian administration. By convincing the majority of groups involved in armed struggle against the Tatmadaw to sign ceasefire agreements, the predominantly civilian government succeeded in winning some credibility, both nationally and internationally. At the same time, several old fault lines have re-emerged, among them the conflict in Kachin and Northern Shan States. The roots of the conflict in Kachin State between the KIO and government troops go back to grievances over control of the territory (and its lucrative natural resources) and the preservation of ethnic identity after the end of British colonial rule in 1948. The rekindling of this old conflict, after seventeen years of ceasefire, serves as a powerful reminder of the fragility of certain aspects of the transition process. The setback to conflict and blockage of peace process with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and its Army (KIA) show that some structural political issues remain, such as the recognition of local power structures and decentralization. While much has been written in the media about the legal, economic, and political reforms in Myanmar; academic research about the Kachin Conflict, as well as firsthand information remains scarce. Analyzing the causes of the conflict and current impediments to peace in Kachin territories provides an illustration of the limits of the transition process. This research examines the personal experiences of a strong sample of influential Kachin people, shows the complexity of notions of war and peace in the collective Kachin memory, as well as the reinterpretation of these by local leadership for political ends.

  • The emergence of public opinion in Thailand through media was a sign of the development of modernity in the Kingdom. Growing influence of the public opinion raised a double question to local authorities: Media tended to spread western concepts, such as "democracy" or "freedom"; which could be integrated to the local traditions; they could also set the bases of a modern state. By law or ownership concentration authorities have regularly attempted to grip on independent media. Nowadays debates on press freedom in Thailand are a new development of this long lasting antagonism. On the initiative of the French and German Embassies in Thailand, Irasec with the National Press Council of Thailand organized on May 23rd, 2007 a seminar on the relationship between State and Media in Thailand at the Thai Journalist Association. This seminar occurred at a very specific time in Thai modern politics. Since the beginning of the political crisis late 2005 and especially after the Coup d'Etat on September 2006, Thailand has committed to a long process of reforms and political reconstruction which is supposed to be followed by the approval of a new constitution by referendum. This should be the 18th Constitution since the founding of the modern State in 1932. However interrogations and worries remain over the whole process. During this political transition the role of media is particularly sensitive. The current situation in Thailand emphasizes concerns for press freedom. State censorship, self-censorship, media ownerships and ethics are of highest interest and worriment, and widely discussed in the frame of the Constitution drafting. Despite a high degree of freedom, notably in print media - a more worrisome situation is looming regarding radios, TV and especially internet, uncertainty and retrograde reforms could further damage the reliability of Thai media.

  • Eric Frécon's study starkly reveals the fragility of the internal societies and the inadequate regulation of the Asian region by boldly plunging into a reality- that of piracy- that during the Cold War had been habitually restricted to notes of secret agents or for the reports of some original journalists. The study is an interesting approach. The development of terrorism has in fact confirmed it: a major part of the current scenario which matters now is that of the underground, economic, mafia-like or terrorist forces, forces that are beyond control and of which sometimes the nations are fully aware. Piracy is therefore an important phenomenon today; its analysis allows us to measure the power of the nations and the regulation of international zones. But the investigation is difficult and calls for intelligence, passion, the audacity to search in the dark and the courage to not be taken in: these are the very qualities that this work embodies. This book constitutes an excellent photograph of the weaknesses but also of the recovery of the Asians. It explains how piracy reappeared massively after the Cold War, firstly on account of the general deficiencies of the region and the weaknesses (or tactics) of some nations. But it also shows that the region has evolved. When I brought it up in 1998 in "L'Asie en danger", piracy was partially imputable to the internal situation and to the foreign policy of China. Since then, the collapse of Indonesia and the recovery of the Chinese regime have pushed it back towards the Straits of Southeast Asia. Eric Frécon's book also describes how the efforts of regional coordination and the policies of certain big nations like Japan and India acted upon piracy, in order to contain it, on the whole. The problem seems to have, since then, been identified and to a large extent handled; one may hope that it will be resolved in the years to come, even though the Indonesian crisis may seriously impede regulation efforts.

  • Myanmar, the second biggest country in terms of area in mainland South East Asia, borders five neighboring countries: China, Thailand, India, Bangladesh, and Lao PDR. Myanmar's longest borders are with China (approximately 1,357 miles) and Thailand (approximately 1,314 miles), and it shares coastal waters with Malaysia and Singapore. Informal activities and informal moment of goods and people have been quite significant due to many factors. Although various policy measures have been developed to mitigate these informal activities, there has not been any study regarding the sources of these informal activities, their costs and benefits, impacts and consequences of the existence and non-existence of these activities, or how these activities could be mitigated without having significant negative economic and social impacts on the local people and the economy as the whole. This paper attempts to identify factors behind causes and effects of informal flows in goods and persons across the borders between Myanmar and its neighboring countries, especially China and Thailand, and to address related issues and possible policy implications. This paper is a result of various surveys and studies in many places in Myanmar, Lao PDR, Thailand, and China from 2005 to 2009 under several research projects.

  • This study aims to increase awareness and interest on the pharmaceutical quality and counterfeit medicines issues in the Mekong Subregion. It provides a review of existing empirical findings regarding the state of medicine quality in the region. It also analyzes data on quality testing of drug samples from the five countries (Cambodia, China, Lao PDR, Thailand and Vietnam) in the region, in order to develop a conceptual framework for addressing the issue at the regional level, and to suggest areas for further study.

  • Despite the often-repeated assertion that Buddhism and politics are, or at least must be, separate matters, Buddhism has been closely intertwined with politics one way or another since the Buddha's time. In Thailand, Buddhism has been used since the end of the 19th century as a tool to legitimate state power. In the following decades, it has been progressively centralized under a national hierarchy, which is still existing today. This scheme was not altered after the change of the country's political framework in 1932 and political tensions with the sangha came to the fore during the political troubles of the 1970s. The emergence of an increasing political divide in Thailand since the mid-2000s, around two broad groups which have been dubbed the Yellow Shirts and the Red Shirts, has engulfed the monastic community, leading to a growing activism by some Buddhist groups, some temples and some monks. Numerous monks mingled with Red Shirts demonstrators in April-May 2010, and some were on the front-line when the military gave the assault on the Red Shirts' camp in downtown Bangkok. In the most recent years, these tensions have coalesced around the controversial Dhammakaya temple and have impacted the choice of the leader of the Thai monastic community. Although, tensions within the sangha are nothing new, they have weakened the ability of Buddhism - one of the national pillars of the Thai national ideology - to be a focal point as the country is going through a difficult transition with the end of seven-decades prestigious reign and political uncertainties clouding the horizon.

  • Human trafficking has been one of the most challenging problems of nation states across the globe since the 20th century. Thailand has lately turned into a country of origin, destination, and transit for human trafficking. So far, the degree of human trafficking into Thailand is still unknown. Studies on human trafficking into Thailand have been mostly carried out in the Mekong Sub-region. The south of Thailand is an under-researched area, particularly when dealing with trafficking for sexual exploitation. This manuscript provides key findings of the research project entitled Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation into Southern Thailand, under the joint support of the Alliance Française Bangkok and the IRASEC. Carried out during December 2006 - December 2007, the study was expected to fill the gap of research in the problem of trafficking for sexual exploitation in Thailand along a qualitative approach. It was designed towards fact-findings for a better understanding with the most updated information on the problem there. In all, the highlight of the contribution of this study is two folds. First, it enriches literatures on human security from the perspective of people on the move through a qualitative study of human trafficking for sexual exploitation into areas of marginal investigation - southern Thailand. Second, it contributes in terms of policy impact for further strengthening of the collaborative efforts at the national and district levels within Thailand as well as at the regional level.

  • It was one of these landmark special programs at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand, on the top floor of the Maneeya Centre Building, in the upscale commercial heart of Bangkok, where Major General Pichet Wisaijorn was the exclusive guest speaker on that evening of November 2009. Many of the journalists, both Thai and Foreign, were present and Khun Roong and the other staff at the bar were working non-stop, dropping pizza here and glasses of dark beer there. Expectations were high. Pichet was the Fourth Army Region commander, which includes the three "problematic provinces" of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat, plus a few unruly districts in the Songkhla province. Since 2003, thousands of people, rubber tappers, insurgents, traders, school teachers, civil servants, police officers, military personnel and some foreigners had been killed in a maelstrom of violence linked to what was officially called the "separatist insurgency" by the authorities as well as linked to the mafia culture prevailing in this region. The trafficking of women, drug peddling, extortion, smuggling of palm oil and cheap electronic items from Malaysia have always been rife in the deep South. This mafia culture is prevailing in many of Thailand's 77 provinces, but the total breakdown of law and order in the South makes it worse. Many in the audience were thinking that General Pichet would deliver some answers to the most important questions which have puzzled journalists, businessmen and other residents for years: who leads the insurgency? What are their objectives? How the movement is structured, or is it even structured at all? What is the division of power between the Southern Border Provincial Administrative Committee, the armed forces, the local administration and the central government? Have there been any attempts to negotiate with the insurgents? But the presentation of Pichet was rather disappointing. What is the direction of their policy? Pichet repeated the royally endorsed recipe: khao chai, khao teung, pattana ("understand, reach out and develop"). With its supreme and unquestioned wisdom, this "magic formula" is supposed to throw the listeners in deep awe and reverence. But the mantra had long become a poor PR tool to answer the questions of journalists and diplomats on field visits in sam changwat pak tai, the three provinces of the South.

  • Aux yeux des Philippins, Mindanao est un continent noir, peuplé de musulmans qui incarnent la figure de l'autre pour ne pas dire du mal. Cette représentation n'a pas beaucoup changé depuis la colonisation. Les « événements » couverts par les médias depuis la guerre - appelons les choses par leur nom - sous Marcos ont renforcé la perception des musulmans comme des fauteurs de troubles. À bien des égards, le conflit autonomiste, séparatiste, ressemble à la guerre civile du Liban caricaturée par les journalistes occidentaux comme un combat manichéen entre les bons chrétiens et les méchants musulmans. Pour se départir de cette impression, François-Xavier Bonnet a reconsidéré les préjugés qui ont formé le prêt-à-penser des observateurs extérieurs. Son travail fait date car aucun chercheur avant lui n'avait effectué une coupe géologique du conflit en examinant la stratification des tensions, comme autant de couches sédimentaires empilées, altérées par les lignes de faille provoquées par la guerre. Il fallait un géographe de formation pour combiner les différentes échelles d'analyse, souvent enchevêtrées. Il fallait un géopolitologue de conviction pour ne pas accabler une communauté et mettre en lumière la complexité des dynamiques politiques à l'oeuvre sur le territoire. La géographie/géo­politique française invite aussi à réfléchir sur l'histoire. Or, la narration du conflit a été négligée au profit d'une étude originale des causes en amont - qui n'existait ni aux États-Unis ni aux Philippines - et des conséquences (avec les règlements de paix) en aval. Il a fallu plusieurs années d'enquête de terrain pour jeter une lumière nouvelle sur cette question.

  • This study will focus on the Indonesian jilbab, an ubiquitous piece of cloth that covers the hair and neck of women tightly, leaving no skin unconcealed. Achievement and role of jilbab after the authoritarian regime of Soeharto in 1998 is hardly known. The author examines women perception but also the Sharia Ordinances and the narratives of censorship. Voices of both women and sexual minorities (transgenders, gays, lesbians, bisexuals and queers) finally demonstrate awareness of the politics of representation in contemporary Indonesia, highlighting the links between religion, politics and identity.

  • From October 2006, India holds the Chair of the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation Initiative (MGCI). Cambodia and Thailand have held this position for three years each before India, and in that order. MGCI was launched on 10th November 2000 in Vientiane (Laos) and aims at rekindling the cultural links between India and the five riparian states of the Mekong River, namely, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Viet Nam. It is from here that India seeks to strengthen connectivity through building the physical and social infrastructure in these countries. This includes roads, rails, air links and information and communication technologies as also education, culture, and imparting skills in development management and other technical areas. It is only with a robust engagement of this nature that MGCI may evolve a lasting socio-political and economic partnership with this region and take it further in enhancing India's military and strategic equations with these countries. India has taken scores of major initiatives under the MGCI and this newfound enthusiasm has also provided a boost to India's bilateral relations with each country. As this study shows, the results, however, remain a mixed bag and India needs to accelerate its footwork to implement its grand vision and to keep pace with other major stakeholders in this region. In particular, progress made by China has been far too rapid and this has put China in the lead and this remains a subject of debate both inside and outside the Mekong region.

  • This book is the direct outcome of a panel on Timor-Leste entitled «How to build a new nation?» and organized in September 2007 in the framework of the EUROSEAS Congress in Naples. Among the more than 40 panels held, Timor-Leste's had been remarkably dense, with 20 presentations given by American, Australian, Brazilian, East-Timorese, French, German, Portuguese and Spanish researchers. At the time of this congress, the major event of 2006, which two years after continued to be called "the crisis", was still foremost in people's minds, conversations, and researches. While other events or forewarning episodes had taken place before that date, no doubt that the crisis of 2006/2007 had finally prove to be a turning point, for the country itself, and maybe even more so for international actors. Though presented at first as a United Nations' success story, especially when the territory was under UN management from October 1999 (withdrawal of the Indonesian army) until 20 May 2002 (independence of the country), the unity of Timor-Leste was then in peril, deceiving the expectations that had prevailed during the resistance years. Its climax was the conflict between "those from the West" and "those from the East" ("Loromonu-Lorosae" or Firaku-Kaladi), and a violence which caused a wave of internal refugees (around 150,000 IDP- Internally Displaced People). Beyond the causes and effects of this political and military crisis which had then spread to civil society, the "crisis" had also directly or indirectly revealed a certain number of dysfunctions, notably the deficiencies of the UN preparations of independence and of the capacity of East Timorese governing bodies to manage and organize the country.

  • This book argues that the Burmese military regime has always favoured an isolationist-type policy that finds its grassroots in Ne Win's autarchic and xenophobic era as well as in Burma's royal traditions, but without being completely cut off from the outside world. This policy approach is well suited to the Burmese authoritarian state which boasts an important strategic position in the region. In the past decade, the politics of "isolationism without isolation" has been skilfully developed by Burma's military elite in order to preserve itself from both internal and external threats. Since the Depayin crackdown in May 2003, every step the Burmese junta has taken indicates that it has been consciously defining both its foreign policy and its internal political agenda according to these isolationist tendencies, as the recent fallbacks that followed the "Saffron Revolution" (September 2007) and the Cyclone Nargis (May 2008) illustrate. Not only does the military regime tend to strategically withdraw itself from the regional scene, by choosing only a few but crucial diplomatic and commercial partners like China, India, Singapore, Russia or Thailand, but it also gradually isolates itself from the rest of the Burmese society, by opting for a strategic and nationalist entrenchment which was perfectly highlighted by the purge of the pragmatic Military Intelligence Services (2004), the transfer of the capital to Naypyidaw (2005) and the strict control over the transitional process initiated by its own "Road Map towards a disciplined democracy" and undisrupted by the recent crises.

  • At present, collecting and analyzing data from inside Myanmar remains notoriously difficult. There is, therefore, a non-Myanmar approach towards the majority of studies on Myanmar. This is especially the case when dealing with informal or illegal trade within the country's territory. IRASEC and the Observatory on Illicit Trafficking wanted to fill this gap by giving the floor to Professor Winston Set Aung, the founder and the director of the Asia Development Research Institute, and director of the Asia Language and Business Academy in Myanmar. He is also an MBA lecturer at the Institute of Economics in Yangon and is involved in several international and regional research programs in partnership with various research institutes including the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand; Tokyo University, Japan; and the Institute for Security and Development Policy of Sweden, Stockholm Environmental Institute. The focus of Professor Winston Set Aung's study is to provide a Myanmar-centric perspective on informal or illegal trade. The author offers an analysis regarding the process of informal exchanges through a pragmatic and non-contextualized critique. The causes of informal and illegal exchanges are identified and described without commenting on their origins. This intentional, measured, and calculated conservative perspective enables us to think on how to best use these flows in the current political situation in Myanmar. It seems therefore useful and relevant to make this data available to our readers.

  • Since the 1980s, while trying to maintain political stability and territorial integrity, the Vietnamese state has strongly moved towards the transformation of a centrally-planned economy to a more market-oriented model, in which private, foreign and joint-venture businesses are increasingly becoming the key pillars of the national economy. Another key aspect of the i Mi's agenda was a fundamental shift in the party-state's foreign relations policy toward a normalization of Vietnam's diplomatic and trading relations with China, the United States, and other countries since the early 1990s. Over twenty years after the i Mi renewal renovation, Vietnam has been praised by various domestic and international institutions for its impressive achievements in socio-economic development and poverty reduction and for its gradual liberalization and market diversification, coupled with its commitment to equality. Consequently, this has changed the relationship between the party-state and society in a number of fields, including the control of agricultural land and other forms of natural resources. Such transition marks a great change in our scholarly understanding of Vietnam. It has opened the door for intellectual exchange between academics and has resulted in a great amount of research and new knowledge/publications in different languages about various domains regarding Vietnamese society, including the relationships between the state and society at different levels and in various sectors or geographic areas. Among them, studies like those of Kerkvliet, Fforde and others, have developed the everyday politics approach, which examines social interactions on an everyday action basis. This approach from below has given a fresh impetus to the study of social relations in Vietnam. However, our observations regarding academic research show that besides a number of rich ethnographic studies, there are many analyses from different social science disciplines that give a generalized view of trends of development and change in Vietnamese society over the past decades with limited field data. This means that research projects based on first-hand data from longer periods of fieldwork and qualitative investigations are still inadequate. As a result, we are suggesting that more field-based research be carried out in order to enhance and promote our understanding of Vietnam, especially its processes of socio-political changes.

  • Modern education in Thailand started at the end of the nineteenth century under the impulse of King Chulalongkorn. Many scholars tracing back the evolution from traditional education to a modern education system emphasized the feeling of necessity that motivated this transformation. Wyatt (1969), Mead (2004) and Watson (1982) underlined the need for a modern administration, to handle the Siamese nation-state "as" the Western states, and in that respect, the key role played by education to structure the new Siam and to appear to the eyes of the world as civilized (Peleggi 2002). The shaping of a new education took place amidst strong political struggles. Siam needed to stand firm within the regional arena, swept by the winds of Western colonialism. Internally, King Chulalongkorn had to legitimize his power and to unify the kingdom by integrating satellite kingdoms into a wider space, the Siamese nation state. Education was vital for this mission as it would contribute not only to bringing state power into the provinces through state-paid teachers and government officials, but also to transmitting a whole nation-related imagery to the young generations. Giving rise to Thai-ness among the populations located at the margins of the kingdom was a tremendous ordeal. In the Southern part of the kingdom, population was mainly Muslim, spoke Malay and felt culturally closer to the Malay state (Dulyakasem 1991). In the Northern part, incorporating the Lanna kingdom and hill tribe populations into Siam proved not to be easy. Ideological, social and national values were introduced into education delivered to students, and with the implementation of the Compulsory Education Act of 1921, school attendance tied children and parents to the nation state and made them liable to it.

  • In most Southeast Asian countries, the members of the Chinese Diaspora have secured important position in the fields of administration, education and religion. Thanks to their capacity to work and to adapt as well as their frugality, their cultural influence continues to grow. Clans and factions form the essential structure of the ancient Chinese society. If Imperial China never developed a Civil Law, it's probably because the ancient Chinese society never really saw the need for it. This structure of relations could also explain why the Chinese civilisation didn't develop a real territorial reference. The Chinese Diaspora today covers different political and economical realities which could be conflicting. What primarily characterises the Diaspora is apparently its great capacity to organise itself in any economical, political, social or cultural environment. The capacity if its economic and administrative elites had been the determining factor of their development. However, the existence of informal and trans-national networks can also help the development of criminal activities. The presence of mafia groups and gangs of Chinese origin and their collusion with the world of finance and politics are historical facts in the region and could represent today a real threat for its stability. These criminal networks tend to forge business link with their Japanese, Russian, Korea, Italian or South American counterparts and sometimes could interfere with the process of political decision making.

  • Un regain d'intérêt se dessine ces dernières années dans de nombreuses disciplines à l'égard des études sur les élites économiques. Cet objet de recherche prend une résonance toute particulière dans le contexte actuel de crises financières et économiques ainsi que de remise en cause de modèles managériaux. Qu'est-ce qui, aujourd'hui, assied l'autorité économique ? Les détenteurs de cette autorité et leurs critères d'éligibilité sont plus que jamais variés : la propriété du capital, le diplôme, le poids des réseaux sociaux, l'appartenance politique. Les trajectoires ou les modes de sélection pour accéder à un tel statut ne semblent pas, en tout cas, suivre un schéma-type. Au Viêt Nam, l'intérêt porté à ces questions est d'autant plus légitime que l'environnement sociopolitique vietnamien connait des tournants majeurs. Près de trois décennies après le lancement de la politique de « renouveau » (dôi môi), lors du VIe congrès du Parti communiste en 1986, l'économie vietnamienne, laboratoire des réformes, se voit muter d'un régime de gestion centralisateur et dirigiste à ce qu'on appelle désormais une « économie de marché à orientation socialiste ». Les objectifs de modernisation et d'industrialisation du pays, ainsi que l'ouverture et l'intégration internationales bouleversent le paysage économique et changent en profondeur ses acteurs. Peut-on parler de l'émergence d'élites nouvelles dans une économie métamorphosée, bon gré mal gré, par la politique nationale d'ouverture et d'intégration internationale ? Ce renouvellement porte-t-il les caractéristiques de la « transition » - terme utilisé pour qualifier la longue et singulière étape de développement politico-économique du Viêt Nam - initiée dès les années du dôi môi et dans laquelle le pays se situe toujours en 2015 ?

  • The history of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) is part of the longstanding tradition of political Islam in Indonesia. Born in 1912 with the foundation of the Union of Muslim Traders (Sarekat Dagang Islam) this trend dominated the emerging nationalism in the Dutch East Indies for nearly twenty years. This initial momentum lies at the the origin of the two-dimensional Islamist project: to islamicise society by cleansing Islam of all practices considered to be impure; to mobilise the electorate by invoking Islamic values and their necessary implementation. Indeed, the birth and development of political Islam was closely linked to the reformist Muslim movement which in religious, cultural and social matters attempted to face the colonial challenge through a religious surge. In Indonesia, the Muhammadiyah, founded in 1912, and the Persatuan Islam, founded in 1923, provided most of the early generations of activists. During the decade after independence, militant Islam played a leading role in Indonesian politics. Between 1945 and 1960, the Masjumi party, which brought together most Muslim organisations, was one of the main government components and thereby constituted the matrix of political Islam in Indonesia to which the current generation of activists still refer. The discussions conducted within this party, especially the delicate compromises made between divine law and people's democracy, preconfigured the present debates conducted by Islamic parties. Like the current leaders of the PKS, this first generation of "government Islamists" was also confronted with economic and social modernity issues such as those related to the role of the West in this process. As the two following contributions remind us, its failure is mainly due to domestic reasons that in turn heavily influenced the way Indonesian Islam later considered these issues. Banned by President Sukarno and marginalised by the emerging New Order, the proponents of militant Islam had no choice but to withdraw from conventional politics. Here the organisational model of the Muslim Brotherhood (also repressed in several Arab countries) as well as the financial resources and literature made available to them by Wahhabi Islam networks contributed to the radicalisation of their discourse. The two terms Dakwah (preaching) and Tarbiyah (education) were therefore used to describe a movement based on the conviction that the re-Islamisation of Indonesian society was the essential precondition for its return to the political scene. Paradoxically, after the initial phase of repression, it was the New Order that favoured this agenda. From the early 1990s, some of the networks born from the Islamic revival were instrumented by a power lacking support and looking for scapegoats (Sino-Indonesian Christians...) on whom to deflect public anger. However, most student associations from the Tarbiyah movement did not let themselves be dragged into this trend and, true to their moral position, joined the opposition against the declining Soeharto regime. From this movement the Justice Party (PK) was born in 1998 (later transformed into the Prosperous Justice Party, or the PKS).

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